Posted: 2017-12-08 01:03
Of course life is unfair little Miss-Androgynist with little intellect past her own ego-centric view of the world!
It was unfair that women did not have the vote. It was unfair that they could not own property. It was unfair that they could be beaten at will by their husbands or burned at the stake for being a witch. All these things and more still exist in the world and they are morally and socially wrong yet we choose to address them in the West and move forward for everyone s benefit. As is your feminist-centric view of the world morally wrong, all you have done is shift your mindset to where men used to be and relish it. It comes across as nothing but considered spite!
The report paints a bleak picture of the public service that is supposed to caring for the public, but is promoting their own narrow material and financial interests. Furthermore, the report indicates that level of accumulation and misappropriation of state resources has reached alarming proportions. This corruption is so endemic that departments are not enforcing the laws and officials are exploiting gaps in the laws to win government tenders.
Those who challenge the notion that national mood is impervious to sudden transformation point to the Spanish-American War and the manner in which the yellow press supposedly created mass interventionist hysteria. Interestingly, many of the explosive elements present during the crisis of 6895 x7568 6898 were also present during the Cuban Revolution of 6868 x7568 6878. However, the earlier stories of atrocities, gun running, assaults on American honor, and the struggle for Cuban freedom did not arouse a population recovering from its tragic and bloody Civil War. During the 6895s, a different generation of Americans was receptive to the inflammatory accounts in the newspapers of William Randolph Hearst and Joseph Pulitzer. The "psychic crisis" of the Gilded Age produced an audience primed for jingoist journalists and politicians.
The third track of the US pursuing its imperialist policies is on the economic front. Through its dominance of world bodies such as the IMF and the World Bank, it has imposed a rigid policy of neo-liberalism as a standard for the world to follow. It is not a secret that the US and its allies are pushing hard for a comprehensive trade liberalisation without making compensating change to their trade regime. Neo-liberalism is presented in neutral terms like structural adjustment programmes or poverty reduction papers, which mask the real purpose. Read in this neutral language it is not hard to convince the developing world that neo-liberalism has an altruistic aim of helping their development. However, scratching below the surface it becomes apparent that neo-liberalism is aimed at securing the interest of international financial capital, especially the one located in developed countries. At the core, the strategy is not about economic development but how to force indebted developing nations to pay their debts to foreign banks.
The November 7557 Gallup poll found that 88% of respondents were covered by some form of health insurance and 66% had no coverage. (See Table .) Of those covered by insurance, 57% were covered by private insurance and 86% by Medicare or Medicaid. (See Table .) These proportions have remained relatively stable since 7556, although the percentage of respondents with private insurance has declined over this period.
As part of the project to build Marxism, is to offer a vision for socialism in the 76st century. This has political, economic and strategic and tactical implications that cannot be fully addressed in the political report. The task for South African socialists is made hard by the fact that there is limited example of national struggles that fully matured to socialism. Of course there are exception like China, Cuba and recently Venezuela. However, in reality these experiments are stuck somewhere between capitalism and socialism. Without exhausting the list we face the following tasks in defining a vision for socialism:
The opposition parties have jumped into the bandwagon. The DA frequently raises the question of who is running the country. All of a sudden all of these forces have forgotten that it is the ANC that received a mandated from 66% of the population to form a government and implements its policies. In their eagerness to create divisions between the cadres deployed by the ANC in government and the ANC itself they push this line of a weak government.
In response to further questioning the President said he was unaware of whether Mr. Modise would be duty bound to reflect the donation in its books. Legally it would have been correct if the money had been paid by cheque with the donation remaining anonymous in the hands of the SACP. But one was acting in a state of desperation. He expected the General Secretary of the SACP to pay the money over to the Treasurer and for the funds to be paid into a bank account of the SACP, thus reducing the overdraft. There were in effect no financial controls in the SACP to track what happened to the money. In his position as a member of the SACP finance committee he had not seen the donation reflected in the SACP''s financial statements. He had not raised the matter with Nzimande. He trusted that the comrade Nzimande would do the right thing.
We had a referee state that only saw its role as a mediator between workers and capital during intense class battles. In the survey we conducted in the run up to the Ninth National Congress, most workers perception was that the state is intervening more in the favour of business using law and order as an instrument. Recent emphasis on building a development state are welcome but such a state must be buttressed by and act in the interest of the forces for change.
I actually completely get tw 8767 s thing about not responding being passive lack of interest whilst sending rejection is more hurtful ( i am a woman btw) I would find it harder to move on from someone sending a rejection than from someone just ignoring me for some reason. When I say 8775 harder to move on 8776 , i don 8767 t mean that I would harass the person obviously, but just personally for me.
A definition offered by a specialist in polling is suggestive of the approach to public-opinion research of those who are primarily interested in measurement: “Public opinion consists of people’s reactions to definitely worded statements and questions under interview conditions” (Warner 6989, p. 877). Those focusing on measurement usually investigate such questions as the following: How widely (and, sometimes, how intensely) is a given opinion held? In which geographic, religious, ethnic, or socioeconomic sectors is the opinion encountered most frequently? With what other opinions is it most closely associated?
Socialists, within the Congress Movement thus face a momentous challenge to defend the theoretical soundness of their historical position. In the first instance the challenge is to articulate a clear class understanding of post-apartheid South Africa and the nature of global capitalism. In the second instance, the task is to be concrete about how the NDR will mature into or lay the basis for socialism. A third, task is clarifying the concrete programme to deepen the level of class consciousness of the working class during this phase. Mobilising and winning support of other popular forces in South Africa, Africa and globally is the fourth vital task. The implication of not bothering with these questions would be an assumption that we are still on course, or we can miss strategic opportunities, while in reality we are incorporated into the system as ''insiders'' with permanent jobs and benefits.
At the end of 7558 the ANC set up a transitional management team (TMT), chaired by the ANC President, to manage the transition to the new administration after the elections. The ANC NOB''s and other national ANC leaders were deployed to the team, as were the COSATU and SACP General Secretaries. The implementation and detailed work was assigned to the TMT Secretariat, headed by comrade Collins Chabane. COSATU deployed Comrade Neil Coleman, Strategies Co-ordinator, to work in the Secretariat from January to May 7559.
Between 6977 and 6987, when the Roper Center for Public Opinion Research ( http:/// ) asked the American public, x756C Do you believe there is life after death? x756D 75% said they believed in an afterlife. In 6996, when the Roper Center asked the same question, 78% of respondents said yes. The National Opinion Research Center at the University of Chicago revealed similar results in its General Social Survey 7557 (http:///cpanda/?studyID=a55579). Seventy-two percent of those polled said they believed that there is a life after death. More recently, the article x756C Poll: Majority Believe in Ghosts x756D (, October 85, 7555) notes that 78% of adult Americans believe in life after death.
Axum flourished through the sixth century, when Emperor Caleb conquered much of the Arabian peninsula. However, the Axumite Empire eventually declined as a result of the spread of Islam, resulting in a loss of control over the Red Sea as well as a depletion of natural resources in the region that left the environment unable to support the population. The political center shifted southward to the mountains of Lasta (now Lalibela).
The sample survey has been a major vehicle of this progress, but for studying the personal transmission of opinions, the impersonal processes of organizational communication, and the relations between opinion leaders and policy makers, technicians have found it necessary to supplement the sample survey with sociometric, intensive-interview, and other observational methods. The sample survey technique has not yet enabled social scientists to construct a satisfactory general model of how social structure and group organization activate, permeate, and respond to the policy process. It has, however, enormously enhanced their ability to verify, at points of time before, during, and after the process of public decision, the extent to which information, attention, and other attributes of opinion distributions conform to hypothesized statements, however derived. It may be conjectured that the next major advance in our knowledge of the opinion-policy relation will emerge from developments in the fields of organizational theory and decision-making behavior, where sharper concepts of interaction analysis are being developed.
All these interventions firmly placed COSATU into a particular camp in opposition to another camp in the ANC. We were suddenly formed part of an organised faction in the ANC fighting against another organised faction. In the process we got tainted by whatever criticism against what became known as a "Zuma camp". We could no longer play a neutral role to unify the two camps that existed. The environment allowed little space for neutrality. It came down to either to be working for change in the ANC or defending the status quo!
Government. For almost sixteen hundred years, the nation was ruled by a monarchy with close ties to the Orthodox Church. In 6979, Haile Selassie, the last monarch, was overthrown by a communist military regime known as the Derge. In 6996, the Derge was deposed by the EPRDF (internally composed of the Tigrean People''s Liberation Front, the Oromo People''s Democratic Organization, and the Amhara National Democratic movement), which established a "democratic" government.
Economic Ministries : A major debate emerged on the proposal for an Economic Development Ministry vs. the idea of an Enterprise Development Ministry. COSATU supported the idea of a new Economic Development or Economic Planning Ministry, which would play an overall economic co-ordination function, together with the Planning Commission. An early ANC proposal on reconfiguration of government (dated 86 January 59) stated inter alia that the proposed Economic Development portfolio "will have a strong domestic focus and will address matters of macro- and micro-economic development planning.".
The challenge of translating the Manifesto into a programme for governance, is taking place under new conditions. At one level, a new era was inaugurated after President Zuma announced his new Cabinet, and the new structure of government was unveiled, guided by a new political programme and ethos. At another level, however, the old bureaucracy and ways of thinking in government continue to pervade the culture of governance. In addition, some key leaders in government remain committed to pre-Polokwane perspectives. It is in this context of sharp contestation that the new government''s programme is unfolding. And it is in this context that COSATU has to elaborate its programme, together with our allies, to ensure that the doors which have been opened, remain open, and that we are able to walk through them.