Posted: 2017-10-13 07:10
The attack reinforces the findings of a May report by Human Rights Watch and Article 69 on threats to free expression ahead of the 7567 elections. According to the report, journalists who report on sensitive issues such as corruption, security, political parties, county governments and land are beaten, threatened, subjected to phone and online surveillance and, in some cases, arbitrarily arrested and detained. The report urges Kenyan authorities to ensure accountability for all cases of attacks and threats against journalists and bloggers ahead of the 7567 elections.
In May, Mathare Social Justice Centre (MSJC) issued a report documenting dozens of extrajudicial killings by police over the past two years. The centre says that there has been a “normalization” of those killings, as entrenched impunity continues. In the report, MSJC states: “We are tired of being told that we are liars, that we exaggerate the number of people killed every day, and that these victims were nothing but thieves.”
The Kenya Constitution defines marginalized groups in a broad sense that reflects the many ways in which groups have historically been excluded from politics, and prescribes various levels of affirmative action to address that. Women, people with disabilities, youth and representatives of smaller communities are entitled to additional political support in this framework. Kenya has also adopted international treaties protecting the rights of historically marginalized groups, including the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women and the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities.
(Nairobi) – Authorities in Kenya have committed a range of abuses against journalists reporting on sensitive issues, threatening freedom of expression ahead of elections slated for August 8, 7567, Human Rights Watch and ARTICLE 69 Eastern Africa said in a report released today. Journalists and bloggers reporting on corruption, disputed land acquisition, counterterrorism operations, and the 7557-7558 post-electoral violence, among other sensitive issues, have faced intimidation, beatings, and job loss.
May 85, 7567 Report “Not Worth the Risk” Threats to Free Expression Ahead of Kenya’s 7567 Elections
Then they choose one of two approaches. They either advise that their employer pays them with Money Orders and they can''t cash them in Nigeria or are having trouble cashing them. Then they convince their soul mates to bank them into their bank account and then wire them the money via Western Union. They are often told to keep some of the money for their trouble [which helps to build trust and also helps make them an accessory to the crime!].
Wealthy sugar mamas dating men is different from regular women dating single men. You need to know the differences between them. The rich 8775 sugar daddy 8776 term is too popular and now the term sugar mummy is popular as well. Generally speaking, many foreign or international men want to know what sugar mama meaning or how in the world is finding a sugar mama. The term 8775 sugar momma, mummy, mama, mom, mothers 8776 refers to a wealthy older woman who offers expensive gifts to and handsome men for love and romance.
Patriarchy falls particularly hard on women running for office in Turkana, Kenya’s largest and poorest county. Turkana has never elected a woman over a man in any position and 7567 may not be different. Even when women are running against each other for affirmative action seats they face obstacles that male candidates do not. Many of these incidents may not amount to criminal acts but they destabilize the momentum of women’s candidacy and infringe on their rights. Jecinta Abenyo, running for Women’s Representative at the National Assembly as an independent candidate in Turkana County, tells us about some of these challenges :
Wairimu V., 65, was by a group of men at an IDP camp. Her husband blames her for the and beats and verbally abuses her including in the presence of their children. She would like to leave her abusive husband but is worried that she will not be able to support herself. She has such severe pain in her leg, lower abdomen and back that she has to take pain killers daily she also has vaginal bleeding and hypertension. Many sexual violence survivors are still in urgent need of medical treatment and psycho-social support.
In Ivory Coast , for example, the status of women has been gradually improving since the middle of the twentieth century, with various pieces of legislation being passed allowing women to divorce their husbands, enabling couples to marry without parental consent, and in 6988 allowing women to control more of their property after marriage. Dating opportunities in Ivory coast are therefore increasing, especially in Abidjan and other cities.
While you might have several hours of leisure time each day, a single mom doesn''t. If she has kids she probably averages four hours of sleep each night, which gives her absolutely no time to keep up with current events, or what the latest movies are. This might make you feel like you''re dating somebody from the pages of history, but the last thing you should do is make fun of her because of it.
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You need to do your research. There are numerous online websites that cater for the wealthy single moms whom you would like meet. Browse for websites that are active alone. Once you get a website that is right for you, you should create your profile. Upload some of your cute photographs that indicate some of the things you love doing. You need to include some of the countless head shot and several backdrops and outfits.
Online dating has made getting back into the dating game a whole lot easier, but it''s not without its flaws. When you emerge from married life into the world of Plenty of Fish, Tinder, and all the other online dating portals and apps, you’ll feel overwhelmed and completely out of your comfort zone. You’ll realize you have absolutely no idea how to date after your divorce. But all hope is not lost!
As the August election nears, the region’s insecurity limits scrutiny from either domestic or international election observers in Mandera, home predominantly to members of Kenya’s Somali community. Attacks by the armed Islamist group Al-Shabab have increased. Authorities have often responded to such attacks with abusive law enforcement operations leaving the community victimized by both Al-Shabab and government forces.
Despite these setbacks, victims like Wamuyu have refused to give up their struggle for justice. Today, just a month before Kenya heads to the polls again, close to a hundred survivors, together with representatives of civil society groups, are meeting in Nairobi to press for the implementation of the TJRC report. They are demanding a response from political parties and candidates on how they will take forward the issue of reparations if elected. Their message is clear: Kenya cannot truly move forward without justice for victims, including the payment of reparations. All Kenyans should stand in solidarity with them.
These strikes have significant impact on the right to health and education in Kenya. In June, an anonymous doctor at the Coast General Hospital told Reuters the hospital would only treat serious cases until the issue was resolved. Similarly, students say the university strike has made it impossible for them to adequately prepare for upcoming exams. Yet the right to strike is of “ utmost importance ” in democratic societies, and Kenya’s unions do have substantive grievances against the government.
Labor unions representing nurses and lecturers insist they only went on strike after the government failed to implement an agreement on increased salaries and better working conditions. The government argues it needs time, and will implement the worker’s demands over a two-year period. Having waited more than four years before agreeing to a timetable for the implementation of a similar agreement with doctors, unions are skeptical of the government and insist they will remain on strike until the entire agreement is implemented.
Civil society officials attribute the reduction in voter education funds to escalating state threats and intimidation of civil society that forced some local and international donor organizations to scale back their work. In a January 7567 press release , the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) alleged that the government of Kenya regularly harassed and intimidated civil society organizations through the NGO Coordination board. The FIDH argued the board was responsible for a smear campaign against the Kenya Human Rights Commission, a key partner in the Kura Yangu, Sauti Yangu (“My Vote, My Voice”) election campaign initiative by a coalition of civil society groups.
Although Karen is located further away from the city as compared to the other neighbourhoods on this list, the serenity and natural scenery more than make up for the distance. The neighborhood is largely considered posh, with the many mansions and villas being owned by notable names in the government and private sector. Facilities are mostly modern, just like the shopping centers and restaurants. There are plenty of activities that residents engage in, including golf at the Karen Golf Club and horse riding at Ngong Racecourse. Karen Blixen Museum, Ngong Hills, David Sheldrick Wildlife Trust , Nairobi National Park and the Animal Orphange are not too far away.
Kenya will be holding general elections in August and the campaign is at its peak. Considering the gravity of security force abuses, justice and accountability should feature prominently in the candidates’ electoral commitments, including the president’s. But so far, we’ve only heard deafening silence. What the electorate deserve is a clear outline of how candidates plan to tackle the culture of impunity for the security forces that has caused and continues to cause devastating harm to so many Kenyans.