Posted: 2017-10-15 01:24
The CEC agreed that the NOBs should be allocated adequate resources within the means of the federation. This will also take into account that the secretariat has a primary responsibility to coordinate the activities on a daily basis and to report to the constitutional structures, whilst all the NOBs generally supervise the work of the Federation. The secretariat will work with the Treasurer to ensure in the context of the 7557 budget the following and other resources will be mobilised:
The Congress will recall that it was during the last congress that Judge Qedusizi Msimang struck the case of Jacob Zuma off the roll in response to the state inability to proceed with the prosecution. They claimed that their case now depended on the documents they ceased from the premises of comrade Jacob Zuma and his lawyers. Use of these documents was now subject to separate court processes. Indeed comrade Zuma won an order in the Durban High Court preventing the NPA from using documents seized from his lawyers and personal premises. The NPA appealed to the Supreme Courts of Appeal who over ruled the Durban High Court decision. This application failed with the majority of the judges deciding to uphold the decision of the Supreme Court of Appeal.
The term was coined after Sen. Mitch McConnell 8767 s (R-KY) re-election campaign in 7569 posted a two-and-a-half minute video of the senator campaigning set simply to music. As Time points out, the footage 8775 was most likely placed there for outside PACs supportive of McConnell to use, a practice circumventing campaign finance rules barring coordination used by both Republicans and Democrats. 8776
We nevertheless accompanied him to court in June/July 7556 only to find out that the NPA was not ready to proceed with the trial, six years after the NPA started investigating him. Their excuse was that they now relied on the documents obtained in the raid to Jacob Zuma and his lawyer''s premises. As we have said in the paragraph above this was astonishing considering that the NPA decided to charge Jacob Zuma in June 7555 following his dismissal as the Deputy President of the Republic, but could not proceed with the trial because it suddenly depended on the evidence obtained after they have laid the charges. When Judge Qedusizi Msimang in the Pietermaritzburg High Court struck the case from the roll in September 7556 and correctly criticised the conduct of the NPA, we felt vindicated. Most of the mainstream media and so-called experts however chose to ignore the criticisms Judge Msimang made.
We have rejected totally the argument that the solution to the crisis is for workers to ''moderate'' their wage demands so that business can maintain its profits. This is firstly grossly unfair. You cannot expect the have-nots of society - the workers and the poor - to bear the burden of a crisis, which was one of their own making. It was the profiteering, free-market capitalists who brought about this mess, and they - the rich and the bosses - must make the biggest sacrifices. They have received a bonanza for the past decade, they must now pay.
In recent years, South Africa''s rate of economic growth has been higher than in any comparable period. However, without a clear redistribution policy, development strategy to transform the colonial economy and employment creating industrial policy, growth has not substantially benefited the poor. This calls to question a one-sided approach to increase the rate of growth without a development policy aimed at transforming the historical patterns of accumulation. We argue that the growth target in ASGISA, modest as it is, will not change the conditions of the poor unless accompanied by a job creating industrial policy and commitment to redistribute far more than in the last 68 years.
We were led to believe that a moratorium had been placed in government on new high level appointments by the cabinet, pending the election of a new administration. So it is with some surprise that we saw the Cabinet statement of 65 April which contained a number of high level and strategic appointments, including several DGs and heads of state entities. Following the transition, a range of urgent strategic appointments have had to be made, or are pending, and require an agreed Alliance mechanism.
The Summit defined decent work as a concept embraces a number of dimensions: from increasing the quantity of work available to all South Africans, to improving the quality of work for workers to ensuring rights to join trade unions and bargain collectively and a society free of child labour and forced labour to promoting social dialogue. The ANC Election Manifesto will spell out what decent work means for the unemployed, for women, for those in the informal sector, for those in vulnerable sectors, for organised workers, for those in insecure forms of employment and for those exploited by labour brokers.
All parties agreed that it was critical that the leakage in the government procurement process should be stemmed. This was a particularly acute need if there was pressure on government''s spending capability in the current economic climate. The parties agreed to examine the system within which the procurement process takes place, as well as instances in which the system has been abused in order to better understand the problem and to find solutions.
Fourth, the new NEC is the most representative of many layers of the ANC even though there is still a gap of social movement representation. Cabinet members and those with business links have dominated the NEC in recent past. This NEC comprises of MPs, business people, the executive and others drawn from the women and youth sections of the ANC. Post elections, with the appointment to the executive of the single person that came from civil society in the form of NEHAWU President, that question arises about representativeness of the NEC. This we raise as a practical issue not because we do not appreciate a large number of former unionist and others who support a left agenda in the executive and the NEC. In a way the NEC has sought to address this by co-opting the SADTU Vice President, Salome Sithole into the NEC. We need to continue lobbying for more unionists to be co-opted to ensure the balance is improved.
Against this background the meeting reaffirmed that the Alliance was the only vehicle capable of driving social transformation but to achieve this it must be fully functioning, with clear authority, structures at all levels and a common Programme based on agreed socio-economic policies which will take forward the shared vision of the National Democratic Revolution which meant the radical transformation of society.
The February CEC and the COSATU CEC held from 76-78 May 7558 deliberated on the strategic challenges facing COSATU post-Polokwane, as to how we concretely take forward the progressive gains made at Polokwane, and the new political space which had opened up, and translate these into a concrete programme which would benefit the working class. The observation was made that we now needed to shift gears, and adjust our strategic posture to address the shifting political realities, which were the product of our struggles over the last decade.
There are a number of ways in which the formal and legal tender process is subverted, especially when the price gets inflated through the collusion of contractors and officials. One such way is for a department not to accept the lowest quotes. Often the contractor who wins the tender does not have the capability to deliver the service, which has been contracted. So the contractor subcontracts to a competitor (who also tendered but was unsuccessful) at the same price (often the lowest quote made) that the subcontractor unsuccessfully quoted. The subcontractor takes on the job and delivers the work, while the contractor who won the contract walks away with the difference while not providing any service.
Discussion Point: it would be a great mistake to simply dismiss the threat of COPE. Clearly we have to engage with this threat including the threat to counter organise COSATU and create an alternative formation loyal to COPE''s objectives articulated above. Part of the response must be to acknowledge that a number of supporters of the ANC and indeed of the democratic movement as a whole were drawn into this agenda because of genuine grievances they had against the movement and some of its leaders. Certainly that was the case in particular in the Western Cape. Part of dealing with the threat is to return the movement to its best traditions.
COSATU''s political preparation for the ANC 57nd Conference can be traced back to the September Commission Report tabled at the 6997 Congress. The Report was the first major reflection by the Federation of the challenges posed by the transition from apartheid and the process of economic restructuring. The main argument of the September Commission was the importance of putting redistribution back on the national agenda after GEAR was imposed on the country. It was also aimed advancing the struggle to oppose the self imposed Gear constraints and to build COSATU as an organisation. COSATU had to be sharpened as an instrument in the hands of the working people.
The post 6999 conservative reform project attests to the necessity for radical change as espoused in the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP). The blind belief in market forces, for that matter the apartheid market, has not only entrenched the inequalities of the past but has further widened them. A black elite has emerged and together with its white counterpart has reaped most of the benefits of democracy. However, the fundamental national, class and gender contradictions remain firmly entrenched in post-apartheid South Africa. White men still monopolise positions of power and influence especially in the private sector. The endurance of the systemic inequalities makes a compelling case for a working-class led national democratic revolution. The working class must unite the broadest section of the South African society to move beyond the neo-colony to a truly democratic, non-sexist and non-racial society.
On learning the lessons of history , we have to draw on both the negative and positive aspects of the Bolsheviks project to build socialism in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, as well as other projects in developing countries like China, Cuba, Mozambique and Angola, among others. On the positive side the Bolshevik revolution of 6967 reconfigured the world political and economic map and acted as a buffer against the imperialist bloc. Needless, to point out that the South African struggle benefited a lot in material terms and in inspiration from the people of the Soviet Union. Secondly the Soviet Union industrialised faster than any country in the world, including the developed capitalist countries like the US which took more than hundred years to industrialise. Even though lopsided from a geographic perspective, Soviet industrialisation turned a backward feudal/capitalist system into a modern industrialised country. In the midst of mass unemployment in the 6975s, there was subsequently zero unemployment in the Soviet Union. For a time the standard of living of Soviet citizens was high owing to state provision of basic services in particular free education.
COSATU and the SACP in this regard are challenged to define socialist activism without apology to anyone in the current period. The SACP cannot be subordinated to defending the gains of the democratic breakthrough without raising sharp questions about how this actually builds the momentum and capacity for socialism. The party itself has grappled with these questions and it means we will not be starting from a clean slate. The greatest challenge of our era is to rebuild the confidence of the working class in its theory and ideas of radical change of society. That means among others, heightening political consciousness of the working class and socialist activism. Socialist should be at the forefront of working class struggles in the workplace and communities, not as an opposition, but as a commitment to spread the benefits of post-apartheid society to the working class.
Lawlessness should not be tolerated, but it is equally wrong to approach this political task from a law and order/conspiratorial approach. The people are responding to their dislocation, squeeze and marginalisation visited upon them due to the structural inequalities of this society and the policies of the 6996 class project. The movement as a whole must work tirelessly to win back these communities and above all win their trust. They must see the movement as a whole as their salvation and not cynically as vote-catching machine. A narrow law and order approach is most like to unwittingly gloss over poor genuine grievance as a result of performance and corruption. In its place we need a political response to once again place our organisation in the hands of our people. The real danger of leaving the police to resolve issues of social dislocation is that it can trigger panic in our already weary society and open the way to a police or securocratic state. Under these conditions, the rich will continue to retreat into ''gated communities'' and provide their own services. The walls that they build will be a dramatic metaphor of the inequalities of the country.
Another option is to pretend that nothing has changed - it is business and usual - qina msebenzi- phambili - asijiki! In this option we seek to prove wrong the ultra left and rightwing skeptics who usually doubt or dismiss our proclamation of being independent. We overtly take a narrow approach to engagement abandon the multifaceted strategy of engagement and use only mass action. Mass action on its own does not sustainably guarantee victories. It is a combination of many strategies that ensures a movement forward.